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Bolton: U.N. Must Now Focus on Sanctions

The U.N. Security Council must begin drawing up sanctions against Iran now that Tehran has disregarded a deadline to suspend uranium enrichment, U.S. Ambassador John Bolton said Thursday.

Bolton said Security Council unanimity was not needed before taking action against Iran over its nuclear program, a reference to continued Chinese and Russian reluctance to move quickly on sanctions.


The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, John Bolton, votes during a Security Council meeting on the situation in Sudan, Thursday, Aug. 31, 2006 at the U.N. headquarters. (AP Photo/Mary Altaffer)

He spoke shortly after the U.N. nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, said Iran shows no signs of freezing enrichment, adding that Tehran started work on a new batch Aug. 24.

Iran's refusal to cooperate fully with the IAEA and its continued development of nuclear technology leaves no doubt that it is seeking a nuclear bomb, Bolton told reporters. Iran contends its program is for peaceful purposes.

Key European nations will meet with Iran in September in a last-ditch effort to seek a negotiated solution to the standoff over Tehran's refusal to freeze uranium enrichment, a senior U.N. diplomat said Thursday.

President Bush said "there must be consequences" for Iran, adding that the war between Tehran-backed Hezbollah militants and Israel demonstrated that "the world now faces a grave threat from the radical regime in Iran."

The U.N. nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, said in a report obtained by The Associated Press that Iran shows no signs of freezing enrichment, adding that Tehran started work on a new batch Aug. 24.

The confidential IAEA report will be given to its 35-nation board. That is expected to trigger U.N. Security Council members _ by mid-September _ to begin considering economic or political sanctions.

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad told a crowd of thousands in the northwestern city of Orumiyeh that "the Iranian nation will not accept for one moment any bullying, invasion and violation of its rights."

He also said enemies of the country were trying to stir up differences among the Iranian people, but "I tell them: you are wrong. The Iranian nation is united."

"They claim to be supporting freedom but they support the most tyrannical governments in the world to pursue their own interests," he said, referring to the United States. "They talk about human rights while maintaining the most notorious prisons. Those powers that do not abide by God and follow evil are the main source of all the current problems of mankind."

German Chancellor Angela Merkel said an Iranian refusal to freeze uranium enrichment by the deadline would be "very regrettable," and the international community would be unable to ignore it.

"We have made Iran a very, very good offer," she during a visit to the Baltic Sea port of Warnemuende, alluding to a package of incentives aimed at persuading Tehran to curb its nuclear activities.

If Iran does not accept, "we will not slam the door shut, but we cannot act as if nothing had happened," Merkel said, adding that the next step would have to be discussed, but gave no details.

The State Department has not said publicly what type of punishment it might seek. But U.S. and European officials have indicated they might push for travel restrictions on Iranian officials or a ban on sale of dual-use technology to Iran. The hope is to start with relatively low-level punishments in a bid to attract Russian and Chinese support, the officials have said.

More extreme sanctions could include a freeze on Iranian assets or a broader trade ban _ although opposition to that by Russia, China and perhaps others would be strong, particularly since it could cut off badly needed oil exports from Iran.

Russia and China, which have traditional economic and strategic ties with Tehran, seem likely to resist U.S.-led efforts for a quick response, which means sanctions do not loom immediately. That has prompted the Bush administration to consider rallying its allies to impose sanctions or financial restrictions of their own, independent of the Security Council.

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The Looming Tower by Lawrence Wright Demystifies Al Queda

Thursday, August 31, 2006
Posted by Dean Barnett  | 12:57 PM

One of the most important services a writer could provide at this point in history is offering a work that demystifies Al Qaeda and other fonts of Islamic terrorism. Lawrence Wright’s “The Looming Tower” does just that. The product of 5 years of diligent research, “The Looming Tower” has deservedly won universal acclaim from all points along the ideological spectrum. Explosively written and a compelling read, it is perhaps the best book of 2006.

Wright spent almost five years preparing his masterpiece, conducting hundreds of interviews in the process. The portraits that emerge of Osama bin Laden, Ayman al-Zawihiri and Al Qaeda are remarkable for their level of detail as well as for how consistently they contrast with the understandings and impressions that even the most well informed Americans have developed.

For instance, one of the myths surrounding bin Laden that has hardened into conventional wisdom is that as the scion of one of Saudi Arabia’s wealthiest families, he has unlimited funds to call on to wage his jihad on America. Untrue. In fact, bin Laden is barely a millionaire and Al Qaeda has been chronically short of funds since the day of its birth. Another myth-shattering tenet that “The Looming Tower” has brought to light is that bin Laden stands only six feet tall, well short of the 6’6” that is common belief.

In their own ways, both of these nuggets represent “news that you can use.” As regards the first, one of the widely held premises of the battle with Al Qaeda is that we are fighting a billionaire who can purchase the most destructive weapons that the world has to offer. Not to minimize the danger posed by bin Laden and his minions, that is simply not the case.

The revelation about bin Laden’s height is also instructive regarding the myth-making and fact-ignoring nature of our modern media. Wright relates a tale of ABC’s indefatigable correspondent John Miller preparing a profile of bin Laden in 1996. As bin Laden stood in front of a map of Africa predicting a “black future for America,” Miller gushed, “You are like the Middle Eastern version of Teddy Roosevelt.”

“The Looming Tower” contains dozens of similar revelations that will likely surprise even the most well informed reader. The details of the tensions between Mullah Omar and bin Laden are especially noteworthy in this regard. So, too, are Wright’s reports of the Sunni bin Laden’s overtures to Shiites that he thought might be like minded.

ALONG WITH CORRECTING misimpressions, the theme that dominates the book is the utterly pathetic nature of bin Laden, Zawihiri and Al Qaeda. Bin Laden emerges as a chronically ill figure, often too sick to do battle. Zawihiri comes across as an impoverished firebrand, desperate to overthrow the Mubarak regime but lacking the requisite funds and leadership ability to accomplish much of anything at all.

And Al Qaeda comes across as a magnet for nihilists and deeply religious losers. Unlike the myth that has emerged the past five years of Al Qaeda consisting of steely-eyed and well-trained killers, Wright’s diligent research shows us another view: Al Qaeda was instead a flock of rebels without a clue, personified by their ineffective leader who made a gradual slide from prominent Saudi citizen to ostracized fanatic.

When bin Laden issued his now-notorious declaration of war against the United States in 1996 (infuriating many of his supporters), the American government chose to ignore the event. Those who can’t repress their memories of the 9/11 Commission inquisitions might recall Bob Kerrey shrilly demanding, “They were on a war footing. Why weren’t we?”

Wright’s work makes the answer to Kerrey’s question obvious. At the time of his fatwa, bin Laden and his organization were powerless, penniless and often homeless. Few governments wanted to risk the wrath of the House of Saud by playing host to this group of radical big-mouths. A candid threat assessment at the time would have shown bin Laden’s blustering to be somewhat less than terrifying.

It is a tribute to the ineptitude of our government agencies that they managed to be outfought and out-thought by such a rag-tag band of lunatics. But the American government was up to the challenge.

While he documents the development of Al Qaeda, Wright also monitors the activities of the American officials tasked with handling Al Qaeda. Although some officials come across better than others, the overall impression Wright creates is withering. An irresolute ambassador, feuding government agencies and a seemingly numb Clinton administration stand as symbols of a government infrastructure that simply couldn’t deal with the challenge that Al Qaeda presented.

PERHAPS THE MOST VALUABLE aspect of “The Looming Tower” is the way it humanizes the enemy. In America, we have a tendency to imbue our foes with super-human characteristics. Such was the case with both the Germans and Japanese during WWII. The war with Islamism has been no different.

By giving us a fuller view of Al Qaeda and bin Laden than anything previously available, “The Looming Tower: shows us just how beatable the enemy is. And by giving us a complete brief on their pernicious ideology and their endless bloodlust, Lawrence Wright conveys just how dangerous bin Laden, his followers, and those of like mind truly are.

Complaints? Compliments? Contact me at Soxblog@aol.com .

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On Board Video with Israeli Forces in Lebanon

To hell and back

Israeli video journalist Itai Anghel went into Hezbollah-controlled Lebanon with the Nahal Brigade and shot 25 minutes of riveting house-to-house combat footage with a night vision lens.  The Hezbollah fighters wore Israeli uniforms. 

Cut and Paste this address:

http://switch248-01.castup.net/cunet/gm.asp?ClipMediaID=209947&ak=63628786 

 


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Plame Issue Put to Rest, Bush Did Not Lie

I had a feeling that I might slightly regret the title ("Case Closed") of my July 25 column on the Niger uranium story. I have now presented thousands of words of evidence and argument to the effect that, yes, the Saddam Hussein regime did send an important Iraqi nuclear diplomat to Niger in early 1999. And I have not so far received any rebuttal from any source on this crucial point of contention. But there was always another layer to the Joseph Wilson fantasy. Easy enough as it was to prove that he had completely missed the West African evidence that was staring him in the face, there remained the charge that his nonreport on a real threat had led to a government-sponsored vendetta against him and his wife, Valerie Plame.

In his July 12 column in the Washington Post, Robert Novak had already partly exposed this paranoid myth by stating plainly that nobody had leaked anything, or outed anyone, to him. On the contrary, it was he who approached sources within the administration and the CIA and not the other way around. But now we have the final word on who did disclose the name and occupation of Valerie Plame, and it turns out to be someone whose opposition to the Bush policy in Iraq has—like Robert Novak's—long been a byword in Washington. It is particularly satisfying that this admission comes from two of the journalists—Michael Isikoff and David Corn—who did the most to get the story wrong in the first place and the most to keep it going long beyond the span of its natural life.

As most of us have long suspected, the man who told Novak about Valerie Plame was Richard Armitage, Colin Powell's deputy at the State Department and, with his boss, an assiduous underminer of the president's war policy. (His and Powell's—and George Tenet's—fingerprints are all over Bob Woodward's "insider" accounts of post-9/11 policy planning, which helps clear up another nonmystery: Woodward's revelation several months ago that he had known all along about the Wilson-Plame connection and considered it to be no big deal.) The Isikoff-Corn book, which is amusingly titled Hubris, solves this impossible problem of its authors' original "theory" by restating it in a passive voice:

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Election Projections

Tuesday, August 29, 2006
Posted by Hugh Hewitt  | 12:44 PM

The Blogging Caesar at Election Projection is one of the web's best prognosticators.  If the elction were held today, he sees the GOP losing a net four Senate seats and a net eight House seats --a tough but not horrific year, with GOP majorities intact in both houses (though the nuclear option in the event of another SCOTUS nomination would be off the table, thank you Senator McCain.)

Of course the end of August is traditionally George W. Bush's low point on the political calender, and the money and issues advantage now begins to roll forward.  As E.J.'s column this morning telegraphs, the party of weakness and retreat is clearly terrified of being correctly identified as the party of weakness and retreat.  Which is why on today's show I'll be asking callers to help me put together my own ad by speaking various parts of the statement --true-- that "Any vote for any House or Senate Democrat is a vote against victory and a vote for vulnerability.  Vote for Victory.  Vote Republican."  I'll need many people to read for the ad, so call in beginning at 3:06 Pacific at 1-800-520-1234.

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Iran President Rejects Nuke Suspension

Iran President Rejects Nuke Suspension
Aug 29 9:19 AM US/Eastern

TEHRAN, Iran

President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on Tuesday challenged the authority of the U.N. Security Council as Iran faces a deadline to halt its uranium enrichment and he called for a televised debate with President Bush on world issues.

The Security Council has given Iran until Thursday to suspend enrichment, a process that can produce either fuel for a reactor or material for weapons.

"The U.S. and Britain are the source of many tensions," Ahmadinejad said at a news conference. "At the Security Council, where they have to protect security, they enjoy the veto right. If anybody confronts them, there is no place to take complaints to.

"This (veto right) is the source of problems of the world. ... It is an insult to the dignity, independence, freedom and sovereignty of nations," he said.

Ahmadinejad rejected any suspension of enrichment, even if U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan asked for it during an upcoming visit to Iran.

"The use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes is the right of the Iranian nation. The Iranian nation has chosen this path. ... No one can prevent it," he said.

Iran last week responded to a Western incentives package aimed at getting Tehran to roll back its nuclear program. Iranian officials said the Islamic country did not agree to halt enrichment _ the key demand _ before engaging in further talks.

Ahmadinejad called the response an opportunity for the two sides to resolve the issue and he didn't rule out the possibility of direct talks with the United States.

"The opportunity the Iranian nation has given to other countries today is a very exceptional opportunity for a fair resolution of the issue," he said.

The Iranian president also called Israel a threat to peace and stability in the Middle East.

"The Zionist regime has deprived the Palestinian nation and other nations of the region of a single day of peace. In the past 60 years, it has imposed tens of wars on the Palestinian nation and others," he said.
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Cuba Archives Chronicle the Murders of Castro

By Mary Anastasia O'Grady | Published 03/27/2006 | Cuba Archive in the press | Rating:

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

December 30, 2005; Page A17

By Mary Anastasia O'Grady 

 

Counting Castro's Victims

 

 
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Third of China "Hit by Acid Rain"

Third of China 'hit by acid rain'
Air pollution from a factory in north-eastern China
Local leaders are accused of putting economics before environment
One third of China is suffering from acid rain caused by rapid industrial growth, an official report quoted by the state media says.

Pollution levels have risen and air quality has deteriorated, the report found. This comes despite a pledge by the authorities to clean up the air.

In the latest incident, a reservoir serving 100,000 people in north-west China was polluted by a chemical spill.

China has some of the world's most polluted cities and rivers.

The pollution inspection report to the standing committee of parliament found that 25.5 million tonnes of sulphur dioxide were spewed out, mainly from the country's coal-burning factories last year - up 27% from 2000.

Emissions of sulphur dioxide - the chemical that causes acid rain - were double the safe level, the report said. In some areas, rainfall was 100% acid rain, it added.

"Increased sulphur dioxide emissions meant that one-third of China's territory was affected by acid rain, posing a major threat to soil and food safety," Sheng Huaren of the standing committee, was quoted by state media as saying.

Caustic soda

Local governments were accused of overlooking environmental regulations in the rush for economic development.

"It is especially worrying that most local governments base economic growth on energy consuming industries, disregarding the environment's capacity to sustain industrial expansion," Mr Sheng said.

His report echoes the findings from the State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) released earlier this month.

In July, China announced it planned to spend 1.4 trillion yuan ($175bn) over the next five years on protecting its environment.

The sum - equivalent to 1.5% of China's annual economic output - will be used to improve water quality, and cut air and land pollution and soil erosion.

Meanwhile, water supplies to the city of Hancheng in Shaanxi province were due to resume on Sunday, following an emergency when a nearby reservoir was polluted with 25 tonnes of caustic soda.

Officials brought in 10 tonnes of hydrochloric acid to neutralise the caustic soda, which was being carried by a tanker that fell into the Xuefeng reservoir on Friday, killing one person.




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Nasrallah Sorry for Scale of War

Nasrallah sorry for scale of war
Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah
Nasrallah ordered the capture of the soldiers on 12 July
Hezbollah chief Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah has said he would not have ordered the capture of two Israeli soldiers if he had known it would lead to such a war.

"Had we known that the kidnapping of the soldiers would have led to this, we would definitely not have done it," he said in an interview on Lebanese TV.

He added that neither side was "heading towards a second round" of fighting.

More than 1,000 Lebanese died in the 34-day conflict which left much of southern Lebanon in ruins.

The Israeli offensive began after two Israeli soldiers were seized during a cross border raid by Hezbollah militants on 12 July.

Annan visit

"We did not think that there was a 1% chance that the kidnapping would lead to a war of this scale and magnitude," Sheikh Nasrallah said.

"Now you ask me if this was 11 July and there was a 1% chance that the kidnapping would lead to a war like the one that has taken place, would you go ahead with the kidnapping?

"I would say no, definitely not, for humanitarian, moral, social, security, military and political reasons.

Mother and child outside ruined building
Many thousands have been left homeless by the offensive
"Neither I, Hezbollah, prisoners in Israeli jails and nor the families of the prisoners would accept it."

Sheikh Nasrallah was speaking on the eve of a visit to Beirut by United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan to discuss the expanded UN peacekeeping force to be deployed in southern Lebanon.

A force of 15,000 soldiers, 7,000 of them from European Union states, will be deployed to maintain the fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah.

The UN hopes to have some of the troops on the ground within a week, although the foreign minister of Finland - which currently holds the EU presidency - has said it will be two to three months before the whole force is deployed.

The force will be led by France until February, at which time Italy will take command.

Speaking in Brussels on Friday, Mr Annan said the plan would only work if the enlarged UN force, called Unifil 2, was "strong, credible and robust".

Mr Annan said the force offered the possibility of a "durable ceasefire and long-term solution" to the Middle East crisis.
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Welfare Reform: A Tale of Two States

A Tale of Two States

Wisconsin and Minnesota Show the Best and Worst of Welfare Reform

By Scott W. Johnson and John H. Hinderaker

Posted December 17, 1999

A version of this article appeared in the January/February edition of The American Enterprise.

Print version
-----

When Congress passed welfare reform legislation that President Clinton finally signed in 1996, it abolished the federal welfare entitlement to cash benefits for dependent families. Recognizing the incredibly destructive consequences that this entitlement program had wrought, Congress directed each of the 50 states to design its own program to replace welfare with workfare.

Perhaps no two states resemble each other more closely than Minnesota and Wisconsin. Among other things, each has a population of roughly 5 million, each is dominated by a single metropolitan area, and each has a long-standing progressive political tradition. But in charting welfare reform, no two states have taken paths that diverged more markedly.

Minnesota and Wisconsin had similar welfare systems until the late 1980s. In 1986, however, Wisconsin's welfare caseload peaked at more than 100,000 families and became a significant political problem. Tommy Thompson was elected governor that same year on a platform that focused on welfare reform. In the following years, under Governor Thompson's leadership, Wisconsin pushed reforms that imposed responsibilities as a condition of receiving benefits. These reforms culminated in the requirement that able-bodied welfare recipients work for their benefits.

In the early 1990s, Wisconsin secured waivers from the federal welfare program that allowed the state to impose work requirements in selected counties as a condition of receiving benefits. By 1996, these reforms were applied to all counties under the "Work First" and "Pay for Performance" programs. Later that year the Wisconsin legislature adopted "Wisconsin Works" or "W-2." The premise of W-2, according to John Weicher of the Hudson Institute, is that "no one receives cash assistance without working for it." (Disabled adults are covered under a separate program exempt from this requirement.)

The key to Wisconsin's system is that it does not merely pay lip service to the desirability of working one's way off welfare. Wisconsin actually enforces its work requirements by denying benefits to able-bodied adults who refuse to work; cutting benefits to the extent that recipients fail to show up for their jobs; and providing community service jobs as a last resort.

Governor Thompson's reforms have virtually eliminated Wisconsin's welfare caseload. The number of families receiving welfare has dropped from its high of more than 100,000 to only 10,185 as of the end of 1998, a 90 percent decline.

Minnesota's version of welfare reform, the "Minnesota Family Investment Program," was implemented on January 1, 1998 and offers a clear contrast, beginning with its premises. MFIP "encourages" work, but does not require it. Many recipients, including those with children under one year old and those who are "experiencing a crisis," are exempt from any expectation of work. Others are required merely to prepare a work search or work readiness plan.

Remarkably, the most severe sanction that may be imposed if a recipient refuses to work or fails to comply with program requirements is a 30 percent reduction in benefits. Since Minnesota's cash welfare benefits exceed comparable benefits in Illinois and Indiana by 41 percent and 85 percent respectively, a 30 percent reduction is not exactly draconian.

According to the Minnesota Department of Human Services, only 38 percent of the state's welfare recipients are working. This figure is astonishingly low at a time when there is essentially no involuntary unemployment in Minnesota and many jobs go begging at every level of skill and experience.

Not surprisingly, Minnesota's approach has produced results very different from Wisconsin's. Minnesota's caseload peaked in 1992 at 66,212. By the end of 1998 it had fallen 30 percent, to 46,322, just one third the decline experienced by Wisconsin. In part, this difference in results reflects the fact that no one now moves to Wisconsin in order to collect welfare benefits. In Minneapolis, on the other hand, the home of Minnesota's largest welfare population, roughly a third of the caseload every year is new arrivals from other, mostly nearby states with lower benefits or more demanding programs, such as Wisconsin, Illinois and Indiana.

By supporting able-bodied recipients who do not work, Minnesota's welfare system needlessly perpetuates dependence. It also raises a fundamental question of fairness. Abraham Lincoln frequently argued that the basic precept of kingship and tyranny is, "You work and I eat." Lincoln condemned slavery as a manifestation of this precept.

Minnesota remains committed to a system consistent with this precept. By contrast, Wisconsin has experienced a new birth of freedom.

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General George C. Marshall, A Leader of Leaders Marshalling Jointness in America's Military

http://www.milmin.com/resources/leadership/georgemarshall.htm

   

George C. Marshall 

A Leader of Leaders Marshalling Jointness in America ’s Military

(The following article was published in the Naval Institute Proceedings in September 1994.  It discusses George C. Marshall's role in fostering jointness between the Army, the Army Air Corps and the Navy during World War II.  Use it as a case study for effective leadership among diverse groups with differing interests.  See the emphasis upon jointness as a metaphor for forging cooperation among churches, ministries, or divisions within ministries. 

George C. Marshall exemplifies a leader who could keep the ultimate cause in focus and who could lead above bureaucratic interests. Discuss the following questions after reading the article:

What leadership qualities does Marshall exhibit that apply to Christian leadership? How did Marshall keep the national interest ahead of other parochial interests? How does he illustrate ways of keeping the Kingdom of God preeminent over denominational or individual ministry interests? List ways in which you can be a better Kingdom leader based on Marshall's example.)

President Harry Truman said he was the “greatest living American,” that he was “one for the ages.” Winston Churchill wondered if he was “the greatest Roman of them all.” Others compared him to George Washington. An American titan of war and of peace, General George Catlett Marshall exemplified the qualities of the soldier-statesman.

The chronicle of his roles, occupied during critical times in U.S. history—Army Chief of Staff (1939-45), Truman’s special emissary to China (1945-47), Secretary of State (1947-49), and Secretary of Defense during the Korean War (1950-51)—is reminiscent of the ancient watchman who stationed himself atop the mortar and brick of the defensive walls that protected his city. He was always alert to danger, always prepared to sound a trumpet warning, and always ready to join fellow warriors in closing the breaches in the wall. When the United States needed such a man to stand on its wall or to fight in the gaps, both in war and in peace, it turned to General George Marshall.

As Army Chief of Staff during World War II, Marshall modeled qualities of leadership often forgotten, overlooked, or ignored in the training of today’s officers. These leadership qualities, however, are essential principles for joint leadership that future generations of U.S. military leaders charged with forging and wielding the sword of war cannot afford to ignore.

 

Joint leaders recognize that interservice cooperation is a stepping stone to interallied cooperation.

In many ways, Marshall was the progenitor of jointness at the top. Prior to and during World War II, when Army-Navy antagonisms threatened to infect every sinew of the defense bureaucracy, Marshall attacked interservice competition head-on. By aggressively pursuing unity of command, he reduced the bureaucratic drag of interservice rivalry that would have delayed victory and cost more American lives.

Photograph of George C. Marshall, 1943.

Unity of command between the Army and the Navy, Marshall had noted, “will add immeasurably to our security” and will serve as a “stepping [stone] to larger decisions involved in our relationships with Allies.” 1 Recognizing that interservice jointness provided the framework for interallied cooperation, Marshall hammered out agreeable relations with allies at a time when mistrust easily might have prevailed.

In discussions with the British after Pearl Harbor, Marshall helped establish the Combined Chiefs of Staff. “Combined” referred to the organizations fostering collaboration between nations. At the same time, the British proposed and the United States accepted that the term “joint” would be applied to collaboration among a single nation’s organizations—a distinction already employed to describe the activities and relations between the War and Navy Departments. To meet with the British Chiefs of Staff in Washington, the Army and Navy chiefs (Marshall and Admiral Ernest J. King) and Army Air Corps Commander Henry “Hap” Arnold joined with Admiral William D. Leahy to become the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff. Leahy, as President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s chief of staff, served as chairman. Yet it was Marshall who bore the most responsibility for forging unity of command among the services and across nations.

In addition, it was General Marshall’s strategic concept—defeat Germany first, hold in the Pacific—that was the foundation for Allied victory. By his force of character, he convinced both President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill to adopt it. Marshall literally organized the Allied victory. Churchill gave him due credit after the Nazi defeat: “It has not fallen to your lot to command the great armies. You have had to create them, organize them and inspire them. Under your guiding hand, the might and valiant formations which have swept across France and Germany were brought into being and perfected in an amazingly short space of time.”

 

Joint leaders must push jointness down the chain of command.

Marshall had long recognized that “military victories are not gained by a single arm.” Earlier in his career, he had forwarded plans for a reorganization effort, particularly in joint purchasing. Despite the cooperation of his coauthor, young Theodore Roosevelt (then Acting Secretary of the Navy), the proposal got nowhere because, as Marshall writes, “it did not have enough immediacy about it to provide potent political argument.”  Marshall ’s proposal also included provisions for an exchange of officers from every section of the General Staff of the War Department with their counterparts in the Navy Department. He also suggested similar exchanges between supply departments, medical departments, and ordnance and communication services.

In an effort to encourage jointness down the chain of command, Marshall had noted that officers would serve in “positions which require an intimate knowledge of the combined arms, and a breadth of vision impossible to the man who devotes his entire interest to a single arm.” Those exchanges, however, had to have meat to them; exchange officers were not to be simply liaison officers.

 

Only in this way, in my opinion, will the navy ever know intimately what, why and how the army does things—and vice versa. I found both army and navy officers—or officials, strongly opposed to such a measure. And, I do not think they visualized the eventual good that I think would come of such procedure. As a matter of fact, I seem to be out of step with the rest of the world in this particular idea, but to me it is fundamental, and the only effective leadup to the proper coordination of the two services—don’t quote me.

 

The immediacy of an approaching conflict in Europe and the Pacific forced Marshall to forge concepts of jointness in other arenas, but, unfortunately, delayed his efforts to push jointness down the chain of command. Nevertheless, his insight is echoed in today’s requirements for joint assignments.

 

Joint leaders must keep the national interest in focus.

Parochial interests wither before the aggressive promotion of national interests. Marshall ’s superb relationship with President Roosevelt and the Congress arose from the fact that they trusted him to pursue the national interest. Marshall ’s professionalism, mastery of facts, and obvious nonpartisanship often astounded and reassured congress-men. “He would tell the truth even if it hurt his cause,” House Speaker Sam Rayburn recalled.

For example, Marshall always cooperated with congressional investigating committees and refused to challenge the “law requiring him to certify goods as nonessential before sale to Britain though he believed it unconstitutional.”

To reinforce his nonpartisanship, Marshall consistently projected a nonmilitarist and nonconfrontational image. Before Pearl Harbor, Marshall and his staff often wore civilian clothes when requested to appear before Congress. Civilian clothes, while calming domestic fears, also represented the unity necessary to build the force needed for the upcoming conflict.

Marshall continually illustrated his statement that "an officer’s ultimate commanding loyalty at all times is to his country, and not to his service or to his superiors.” As a result of this honest pursuit of national interest, he disarmed his opponents and secured his influence within both political and military circles.

 

Joint leaders must be “more than military men.”

After the Bay of Pigs fiasco and during the Cuban Missile Crisis, President John F. Kennedy argued that his military leaders were unable to see beyond their immediate concerns. He wanted his service chiefs to be more than narrow military specialists, to “look beyond the limited military field.” Kennedy believed they must be “more than military men.

This may have been Marshall ’s greatest secret.

Though a military officer until his late sixties, Marshall was what some have called a “civilized warrior.” He expanded his focus beyond the military. He constantly thought about how democracies make war and peace. He saw the connection between economics and politics. And he argued that such thinking should be the responsibility of every officer in the Army.

He challenged the officers of the Army Air Corps:

to sit down sometime and try to balance all the factors concerned with national defense. ... Divorce yourself for the moment from the Air Corps and assume that the responsibility for the decisions regarding national defense rests solely on your shoulders. .Seek to obtain a clear picture of every aspect of national defense, so that you may think straight and advise wisely.

 

Joint leaders must be hedgehogs and not foxes.

The Greek poet Archilochus noted that the “fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing.” British philosopher Isaiah Berlin, in an essay entitled “The Hedgehog and the Fox,” offers insight into Archilochus’s meaning: The hedgehog is a thinker or leader who “relates everything to a single central vision. . . a single, universal, organizing principle.” The fox, on the other hand, “pursues many ends, often unrelated and even contradictory”.

George Marshall, modeling the leadership of jointness, related everything to the single central vision of victory. In war, a military leader cannot be distracted from the pursuit of victory. In peace, a military leader cannot be distracted from the preparations for victory. Personal prestige and service loyalties must give way to the best plan for success.

As President Roosevelt considered supreme commanders for Operation Overlord, he sought to give George Marshall his “place in history.” Tempted to don the mantle of command, Marshall nevertheless passed it on to General Dwight D. Eisenhower, his best field commander. He recognized that leaving Washington might imperil the delicate balance among the services and between the Allies. Too many foxes, pursuing too many unrelated and contradictory ends, waited to distract the United States from its singular pursuit of victory.

 

Joint leaders must live outside themselves.

In Homer’s Iliad, the gods ignited jealous disagreements between Achilles and Achaean King Agamemnon over the spoils of war. Offended by the affront to his prowess, position, and privilege, Achilles left the battle to sulk among the ships. Meanwhile, Hector of Troy ravaged Achaean forces and would have thrown back the invasion had not Achilles returned to his chariot. Many men died because Achilles and Agamemnon allowed jealousy to distract them and to divide their unified forces. Joint leaders cannot listen to such temptations. Marshall almost never did.

In his dealings with Congress and subordinate commanders, Marshall recognized that emotional outbursts had to give way to cold, factual analysis. “Sentiment must submit to common sense.” Service loyalties naturally produce emotional enthusiasms; joint leaders, however, must model rational, nonpartisanship leadership.

Despite their affiliation, joint leaders must learn to live outside of themselves. They must separate from their feelings to focus on, as Marshall said, the “straight business of the job.” Affective notions do not lead to effective joint warfare.

To Lieutenant General Delos C. Emmons, the Army Commander of Hawaii who was placed under Admiral Chester W. Nimitz in an effort to achieve unity of command, Marshall wrote, “These days are too perilous for personal feelings in any way to affect efficiency.” Emmons should, Marshall continued, “therefore be better prepared to assist me by endeavoring to work with Nimitz in complete understanding.”

Joint leaders must avoid “they-us” distinctions.

As a former Assistant Secretary of the Navy, President Roosevelt often referred in meetings to the Army as “they” and to the Navy as “us. In one meeting Marshall jokingly chided him for this language of separateness and preference. Joint leaders, Marshall recognized, cannot permit the language of separateness and preference to perpetuate interservice competition.

A leader’s choice of words helps define the interests, priorities, and tenor of the organizations he leads. A vocabulary that directs its energies at other services rather than at the problem perpetuates a “they-us” distinction that erodes jointness. Joint leaders must speak the language of jointness.

Marshall constantly sought to break down such distinctions of his commanders. In a confidential memorandum for higher commanders, dated 11 September 1942, Marshall noted that indiscretions of officers in official and unofficial conversations had produced serious consequences. The higher commanders of the Army, “by their example and through personal conversations with their principal subordinates, should exert a sufficient influence to provide a remedy in these matters.”

The indiscretions involved the continued language of separateness and preference between the Army and the Navy, particularly in reference to air actions in the Pacific.

Bad blood is being stirred up between the Army and the Navy which is, to put it mildly, a tragic misfortune. Again such action defeats teamwork which is the vital essential of any joint operation. Short tempers under the circumstances are inexcusable. Vigorous action must be taken to suppress service jealousies and suspicions. It is the clear duty of commissioned officers of the Army to do everything in their power to promote harmonious relations and teamwork, avoiding ill-advised comments and attitudes.

 

No interservice division challenged General Marshall as much as that evident in the Pacific theater. Led by Admiral King in Washington and Admiral Nimitz in the Pacific, the Navy sought a Pacific-first strategy contrary to Marshall ’s efforts to defeat Hitler in Europe first. In addition, the Navy fought hard to command the entire Pacific theater, thus running up against the Army under General Douglas MacArthur in the South Pacific. Only Marshall ’s superior diplomatic skill could smooth the conflict and keep the players focused on the problem.

Mostly successful, Marshall recognized that the “they-us” mentality could prevent U.S. forces from achieving victory under a joint and combined forces concept.

 

Joint leaders must build interservice ties through personal relationships.

General Marshall’s efforts to build interservice ties through personal relationships were critical to his success. At the beginning of the war, his friendship with Admiral Harold Stark calmed the seething tension that existed between the Army and Navy over resources, missions, and roles. His close relationship with General Arnold of the Army Air Corps kept the growing expression of a different service mission from distracting them from their primary mission.

Even with Admiral King—never his friend—Marshall realized that conflicts could be depersonalized through an objective focus on facts and issues and by occasionally soothing the egos of service prima donnas. When Admiral King stormed out of Marshall ’s office in anger over treatment by an Army secretary, Marshall followed him back to the Navy Department, refusing to be bruised by King’s behavior.

Relationships often form the glue that holds together jointness. Joint leaders must be relationship-oriented, emphasizing long-term common interests rather than immediate personal disagreements.

Conclusion

General Marshall was in many ways the Cincinnatus of his age. As with the Roman general, Marshall modeled selfless public service, an attitude of sacrifice, and humble detachment from personal glory. In this spirit of sacrifice and humility rests the secret of his ability to overcome the barriers to jointness that existed within our military forces. Before many of the structural reforms and reorganization acts, George Catlett Marshall overcame interservice competition through the quality of his leadership, a leadership that transformed the services into a common sword wielded in singular pursuit of victory.

 

The primary source for Marshall ’s quotations is the edited collection of his papers: Larry I. Bland. ed., The Papers of George Catlett Marshall, vols. I, II. and Ill ( Baltimore and London : Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981, 1986, 1991). Also Ed Cray, General of the Army: George C. Mar shall, Soldier and Statesman ( New York : W. W. Norton & Company, 1990); Leonard Mosley, Marshall :Hero of Our Times ( New York : Hearst Books, 1982); Mark A. Stoler, George C. Marshall: Soldier-Statesman of the American Century ( Boston : Twayne Publishers of G. K. Hall & Co., 1989); and, of course. Forrest C. Pogue’s four-volume biography: George C. Marshall: Education of a General, 1880-1939; Ordeal and Hope, 1939-1942; Organizer of Victory, 1943-1945; and Statesman, 1945-1959 ( New York : viking Press, 1963-86).‘Staler, George C. Marshall, p. 77.‘John G. Kester, ‘The Role of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,” in John F. Reichart and Steven R. Sturm, eds., American Defense Policy, 5th ed. ( Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press. 1982).‘The notion of hedgehogs and foxes is borrowed from James M. McPherson’s description of Abraham Lincoln as a hedgehog in his book, Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution ( New York and Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1991). The citation for Berlin is Isaiah Berlin, The Hedgehog and the Fox: An Essay on Tolstoy’s View of History ( New York, 1966). p. 1.

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George C. Marshall Biography

George C. Marshall

The Nobel Peace Prize 1953

Biography

George C. MarshallGeorge Catlett Marshall (December 31, 1880-October 16, 1959), America's foremost soldier during World War II, served as chief of staff from 1939 to 1945, building and directing the largest army in history. A diplomat, he acted as secretary of state from 1947 to 1949, formulating the «Marshall Plan», an unprecedented program of economic and military aid to foreign nations.

Marshall's father owned a prosperous coal business in Pennsylvania, but the boy, deciding to become a soldier, enrolled at the Virginia Military Institute from which he was graduated in 1901 as senior first captain of the Corps of Cadets. After serving in posts in the Philippines and the United States, Marshall was graduated with honors from the Infantry-Cavalry School at Fort Leavenworth in 1907 and from the Army Staff College in 1908. The young officer distinguished himself in a variety of posts in the next nine years, earning an appointment to the General Staff in World War I and sailing to France with the First Division. He achieved fame and promotion for his staff work in the battles of Cantigny, Aisne-Marne, St. Mihiel, and Meuse-Argonne. After acting as aide-de-camp to General Pershing from 1919 to 1924, Marshall served in China from 1924 to 1927, and then successively as instructor in the Army War College in 1927, as assistant commandant of the Infantry School from 1927 to 1932, as commander of the Eighth Infantry in 1933, as senior instructor to the Illinois National Guard from 1933 to 1936, and as commander, with the rank of brigadier general, of the Fifth Infantry Brigade from 1936 to 1938. In July, 1938, Marshall accepted a post with the General Staff in Washington, D. C., and in September, 1939, was named chief of staff, with the rank of general, by President Roosevelt. He became general of the army in 1944, the year in which Congress created that five-star rank.

In his position as chief of staff, Marshall urged military readiness prior to the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941, later became responsible for the building, supplying, and, in part, the deploying of over eight million soldiers. From 1941 he was a member of the policy committee that supervised the atomic studies engaged in by American and British scientists. The war over, Marshall resigned in November, 1945.

But Marshall could not resign from public service; his military career ended, he took up a diplomatic career. He had been associated with diplomatic events while chief of staff, for he participated in the conference on the Atlantic Charter (1941-1942), and in those at Casablanca (1943), Quebec (1943), Cairo-Teheran (1943), Yalta (1945), Potsdam (1945), and in many others of lesser import. In late 1945 and in 1946, he represented President Truman on a special mission to China, then torn by civil war; in January, 1947, he accepted the Cabinet position of secretary of state, holding it for two years. In the spring of 1947 he outlined in a speech at Harvard University the plan of economic aid which history has named the «Marshall Plan».

For one year during the Korean War General Marshall was secretary of defence, a civilian post in the U. S. Cabinet. Having resigned from this post in September, 1951, three months before his seventy-first birthday, he retired from public service, thereafter performing those ceremonial duties the public comes to expect of its famous men.

 

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What Makes Adults Happy

Thursday, August 24, 2006
Posted by Eva  at 1:21 PM

The Childhood Roots of Adult Happiness: Five Steps to Help Kids Create and Sustain Lifelong JoyDennis interviews Dr. Edward Hallowell, an instructor at Harvard Medical School and author of The Childhood Roots of Adult Happiness: Five Steps to Help Kids Create and Sustain Lifelong Joy

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McCain's Machiveliian Calculation

McCain's Machiavellian Miscalculation
By David Limbaugh
Friday, August 25, 2006


Liberals claim to hold Sen. John McCain in high regard because he is supposedly a straight talker. He tells it like it is. Wednesday evening, MSNBC's Chris Matthews asked on "Hardball," "Is John McCain back on that straight talk express? We actually like him there."

Whether or not Matthews intended this, his question reveals his opinion that McCain, at best, only talks straight part of the time. If he had to come "back" to the truth, he must have been dwelling before in "untruth," which means he is hardly to be revered as a reliably honest person. But liberals are so ends-oriented they apparently miss the self-defeating nature of their praise for McCain.


U.S. Senator John McCain (R-AZ) listens to U.S. President George W. Bush push for the passage in Congress of a Line Item Veto while speaking to the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research in Washington, June 27, 2006. REUTERS/Larry Downing (UNITED STATES)

Liberals are obviously also clueless that McCain is not talking straight on the very occasions they say he is. They laud him for accusing Bush of not leveling with Americans about the difficulties we would face in Iraq. But despite daily opportunities for more than three years, McCain has never made this bogus charge before. The smell of the presidential roses, though, must have overpowered him this week and compelled him to kick the president when he is down.

McCain said, "It grieves me so much that we have not told the American people how tough and difficult this task [Iraq] would be. It has contributed enormously to the frustration that Americans feel today, because they were led to believe that this would be some kind of a day at the beach, which many of us fully understood from the beginning would be a very, very difficult undertaking."

What? This is straight talk? Instead of falling all over themselves in awe of McCain, Matthews and his fellow liberals should be registering utter disgust with McCain for his patent opportunism in concocting this canard.

Matthews could just as easily have phrased his opening question: "Is John McCain, the fair-weather conservative, back on board for now, promoting liberal ideas and trashing President Bush again? We like him there."

Matthews and his Old Media colleagues swoon over Sen. McCain every time he says something pleasing to the liberal ear, whether it's criticism of President Bush, denigration of Christian conservatives or praise of campaign finance reform. To liberals, straight talk from Republicans is not telling the truth, but touting the liberal line.

McCain has won the hearts of liberals everywhere by attacking conservatives and Republicans because they believe he does so with particular credibility -- as a Republican, a war hero and war hawk -- and thus with particular effectiveness. McCain's betrayal of Republicans is so delicious to liberals that they're willing to forgive him for his frequent transgressions, such as his sometimes vocal support for President Bush's handling of the Iraq War.

If they weren't self-deluded, liberals would understand that it isn't just McCain's failure to make this criticism before that reveals his dishonesty on the subject. His gratuitous, convenient Bush-bashing statement also doesn't square with the truth.

From the very beginning President Bush has warned that the hurdles in Iraq would be difficult and burdensome. He never promised a quick ending for this global war, or for the struggle in Iraq, but precisely the opposite. Likewise, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld incurred the everlasting enmity of the press for refusing to fall into its trap of providing concrete answers on the projected costs and duration of the war. These things, he said defiantly, are "unknowable."

He told one reporter, "There's never been a war that was predictable as to length, casualty, or cost in the history of mankind."

It appears McCain is "back" on the forked-tongue express, claiming the administration didn't level with the American people on the difficulties in Iraq, when it most certainly did -- in explicit terms.

Regardless of whether liberals are willing to jump back in bed with McCain, it's doubtful sufficient Republicans will fall for his act again. He was always at best a long shot for the GOP presidential nomination because of his regrettable advocacy of campaign finance reform, his unpredictable temperament, his social liberalism and his pronounced disdain for Christian conservatives, which he reaffirmed quite recently.

The only chance he had hinged on his steadfast support for the war effort and his refusal to side with partisan Democrats who have born false witness against President Bush in saying he lied about Iraq. With his latest shameless utterance, McCain has virtually sabotaged his already dim chances for the Republican nomination -- and rightly so.

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Mideast Echoes of 1938

Mideast Echoes Of 1938

Tuesday, August 22, 2006; Page A15

In his upcoming book about the horrors of the 20th century, "The War of the World," the British historian Niall Ferguson has a chapter called "The Pity of Peace." It is about 1938, when World War II loomed, and Britain -- especially and importantly Britain -- did precious little to stop it. The warnings of Churchill -- "believe me, it may be the last chance . . ." -- were ignored, and the government under Neville Chamberlain obstinately pursued a policy that forever after made the word appeasement one of the most odious in history. Somehow, though, it looks like 1938 all over again.

The events in the Middle East are often compared to 1914 and the start of World War I. That war -- the Great War, the war to end all wars -- is actually the all-purpose war. It not only began for what seemed like a trivial reason (the assassination of someone who wasn't a head of state) but it was fought with tenacity and brutality for what now seems no reason at all. In the end, millions died and the world was utterly changed. Why?

But when it comes to the Middle East, 1938 is also a pretty instructive year. At the moment, the United Nations has committed itself to maintaining peace in Lebanon. It has done so by saying it will interpose an armed force between Israel on the one hand and Hezbollah on the other. At the same time, the Lebanese army will -- as it has already started to do -- invade its own country (gasp!), securing the south for the first time in decades.

A critical part of that plan is the establishment of the international peacekeeping force. It is supposed to have 15,000 troops, who will join 15,000 Lebanese troops to ensure that Hezbollah is not rearmed with Iranian and Syrian missiles and that Israel not only pulls out of Lebanon but stays out. The backbone of the international force is supposed to come from Europe, particularly France. It was France, in fact, that was most insistent on the establishment of the force.

Now France is having second thoughts . . . or cold feet . . . or mere questions. If it is the last, that's understandable. The French military is said to worry about the command structure, since this was a problem with the U.N. force in Bosnia in the 1990s. Command structure, though, was not nearly the whole problem in the Balkans. After all, Dutch soldiers were on the spot when Bosnian troops massacred Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica. It is hard to this day to account for what happened.

If only questions about the command structure vexed the French, there would be little cause for worry. But there are ample signs that more is at work here than a table of organization. Maybe the French and other Europeans have just plain lost the political will. The upshot is that now there is no international force worth its name in Lebanon -- certainly not one willing and able to shoot.

This inability of Europe to get its act together is what suggests 1938. Back then, Winston Churchill was hardly the only one who thought Hitler was intent on war. After all, the German leader was an ideological zealot and a murderer to boot. Still, England did little. Similarly, you don't have to have Churchillian prescience to see that what happened once in Lebanon can happen again. Hezbollah's avowed aim is to eradicate Israel. Listen to what it says. Pay attention. It will renew its attacks the first chance it gets. This is why it exists.

When George Bush used the term "Islamic fascists," he had a point. But it's futile to use colorful language when, in reality, you're out of the conversation altogether. This is another baleful consequence of the Iraq war. The United States is not only preoccupied, it is loathed. The leadership it once was able to exert -- especially in the Middle East -- is a thing of the past. If its credibility is to be restored, another president will have to do so. In the meantime, as we always learn, Europe without American leadership is a mere tourist destination.

What's striking about Ferguson's account of 1938 is the almost total absence of Franklin D. Roosevelt. The American president is almost never mentioned -- sidelined by the Great Depression and, more important, American isolationism. That year, too, Europe was left on its own, and England, pathetically, was not up to the job. Now, by default, the leadership of Europe has slipped to France. We can all sense war coming and a kind of crazy chronology forming like storm clouds for all to see -- 1938 becoming 1914.

Oui ?

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